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Antecedentes. La valoración del riesgo de violencia es un requisito fundamental en la toma de decisiones profesionales que implican prevenir, intervenir o informar sobre la conducta de las personas. El uso de herramientas estructuradas de evaluación del riesgo de violencia ha mostrado mejoría en la precisión de las evaluaciones basadas exclusivamente en el juicio clínico o en la pericia de un experto en contextos psiquiátricos, penitenciarios y jurídicos.Objetivo. Este estudio presenta los resultados de la primera encuesta sobre las prácticas profesionales asociadas al uso de herramientas de evaluación del riesgo de violencia en España.Materiales y métodos. La información fue recogida mediante la administración de una encuesta en internet que fue distribuida por correo electrónico a los miembros de organizaciones profesionales.Resultados. De manera similar a los contextos profesionales del resto del mundo, las escalas de psicopatía de Robert Hare (Psychopathy Checklist-Revised y Psychopathy Checklist: Screening Version) y el Historical-Clinical-Risk Management-20 encabezaron la lista de las herramientas más usadas tanto por elección personal como por requisito institucional.Conclusiones. Se ofrecen datos novedosos sobre la prevalencia de uso y la utilidad percibida de las herramientas estructuradas, así como sobre otras cuestiones relacionadas a las prácticas profesionales de evaluación del riesgo de violencia en España que pueden orientar tanto a los profesionales de contextos sanitarios, correccionales y forenses, como a los responsables de las instituciones en la elección de las herramientas a implementar para asistirlos en la toma de decisiones. Background. Violence risk assessment is a key requirement in professional decision making involving prevention, intervention or reporting on human behavior. The use of structured tools for violence risk assessment has shown to improve the accuracy of assessments based exclusively on clinical judgment or expertise in psychiatric, correctional and legal settings.Objectives. This study presents results of the first survey about professional practices associated with tools for violence risk assessment in Spain.Materials and methods. The information was collected by administering an online-based survey that was distributed by e-mail to members of professional organizations around the country.Results. As in professional contexts worldwide, the Robert Hare's psychopathy scales (Psychopathy Checklist-Revised and Psychopathy Checklist: Screening Version) and the Historical-Clinical-Risk Management-20 topped the list of the most used tools both by professional choice and institutional requirement.Conclusions. We provide novel data on the prevalence of use and the perceived utility of specific tools, as well as on other issues related to the professional practice of violence risk assessment in Spain, which can guide professional in the health care, correctional and forensic settings, as well as those responsible for decisions in institutions about choosing which tool to implement.

Very often called upon by both writers of the young generation and academics from his native land and from the rest of the Maghreb, Kateb Yacine has more than once taken up his pen to write prefaces. Based on conciseness, with a maximum length of 6 pages, his prefatory discourse adopts an individual stance that falls between Flaubert’s categorical refusal to write prefaces and Sartre’s abuse thereof. Kateb accepts to write prefaces, but with a sense of mesure. Strictly speaking, he refuses to act as a literary critic, preferring rather to shift the focus to the social and political aspects of the works he prefaces. Indeed, the author of Nedjma was uncomfortable in the role of preface writer, since he increasingly felt that the genre was, by its very nature, overly paternalistic. Très sollicité par les jeunes écrivains et universitaires de son pays, voire du Maghreb, Kateb Yacine est intervenu à plusieurs reprises dans ce seuil littéraire problématique qu’est la préface. Caractérisé par la brièveté du propos, avec un maximum de six pages, son discours préfaciel adopte une posture singulière qu’on peut situer entre le refus catégorique flaubertien de la préface et l’abus préfaciel sartrien. Kateb préface, mais pas trop ! À proprement parler, il renonce à jouer au critique littéraire, préférant déplacer le débat sur la portée sociale et politique des oeuvres qu’il préface. En fait, ce n’est pas sans gêne que l’auteur de Nedjma s’intronise préfacier, puisqu’il a fini par ressentir ce rôle comme une forme de paternalisme pesant.

This paper describes how the findings of two nationally representative Canadian surveys on woman abuse were taken up by both academics and the media. It puts the surveys in the context of debates about feminist epistemology and measurement. This context does now, however, fully account for the ways in which the findings were mobilized for apparently different purposes. Using a governmentality perspective, the paper illustrates the parallels between the way in which anti‐violence policies and the surveys have constituted the problem of woman abuse in ways that facilitate a particular form of governing gender. The paper argues that the wider shift to neo‐liberal forms of governance must be considered by feminists who count woman abuse in order to avoid contributing to this shift. The paper concludes with ways to undertake survey research on woman abuse.

‘Hate stereotyping’ occurs when researchers foreground negative emotions, especially hate, as motivating right-wing social movements, epitomized by labels like ‘hate group’. This convention contradicts empirical evidence showing that hateful feelings and ideological prejudices are mostly insignificant for attracting and retaining members in such movements. Using contemporary theories of hate, this article demonstrates the concept’s limits and misuse in studying and theorizing the political Right. For instance, hate’s theoretical and methodological ambiguity sometimes leads scholars to confuse hatred with right-wing ideology and prejudice, which can obfuscate findings and spur dubious generalizations across political groups. Moreover, some researchers accept post-structuralist theories of hate as a substitute for vital data on emotions, motivations and meaning-making among right-wing actors. Hate explanations persist because they appeal to ‘common sense’ about intolerance, not because of their methodological integrity for studying right-wing movements. By foregrounding intolerance, hate stereotyping risks sustaining the dominant narrative that prejudices such as racism are deviant, and that racism is a problem of bad attitudes and fringe ideologies, rather than larger issues of systemic and structural inequality.

Despite several decades of institutional reforms in sexual assault policing, sexual assault police investigators continue to dismiss a disproportionate number of sexual assault reports as unfounded. This article examines the policing practices behind these trends by outlining the techniques that police use to assess the credibility and truthfulness of survivors’ reports of sexual assault. Drawing on 17 semistructured interviews with sexual assault investigators working in urban policing organizations in Ontario, Canada, this article reveals how investigative techniques in sexual assault cases often rest on normative assumptions about who real survivors are and how they behave. Through this analysis, this article illustrates how survivors of sexual assault can become suspect in sexual assault investigations.

ABSTRACT Remoteness in the isolated communities of Nunavut, Canada adversely affects access to mental health services. Mental health initiatives in criminal courts exist in many cities to offer healthcare alternatives to regular criminal court processing for people affected by mental illness. These initiatives do not exist in Nunavut. A qualitative multiple-case study in 3 Nunavut communities involving 55 semi-structured interviews and 3 focus groups explored perceptions by health, justice and community stakeholders of the potential for criminal court mental health initiatives in the territory. Findings suggest remoteness is perceived to hinder mental healthcare support for court responses to people affected by mental illness, creating delay in psychiatric assessments and treatment. While communication technologies, such as tele-mental health, are considered an effective solution by most health professionals, many justice-sector participants are sceptical because of perceived limits to accessibility, reliability and therapeutic value. These perceptions suggest remoteness is a significant hurdle facing future criminal court mental health initiatives in Nunavut. Additionally, remoteness is viewed as affecting decisions by lawyers to bypass legislated mental health avenues, possibly resulting in more people with mental illness facing criminal justice sanctions without assessment and treatment.

This paper argues that most conceptualizations of citizenship limit the purview of the discourse to static categories. ‘Citizenship’ is commonly seen as an ideal type, presuming a largely legal relationship between an inidividual and a single nation-state – more precisely only one type of nation-state, the advanced capitalist post-war model. Alternatively, we suggest a re-conceptualization of citizenship as a negotiated relationship, one which is subject therefore to change, and acted upon collectively within social, political and economic relations of conflict. This dynamic process of negotiation takes place within a context which is shaped by gendered, racial and class structures and ideologies; it also involves international hierarchies among states. Citizenship is therefore negotiated on global as well as national levels. This conceptualization is demonstrated by way of identifying one particular set of experiences of negotiated citizenship, involving foreign domestic workers in Canada. As non-citizens originating from Third World conditions, this is a case involving women of colour workers, highly prone to abusive conditions, and under the direction of employers who are more affluent First World citizens and predominantly white women. Original survey data based on interviews with Caribbean and Filipino domestic workers in Canada are used to demonstrate the varied, creative and effective strategies of two distinctive groups of non-citizens as they attempt to negotiate citizenship rights in restrictive national and international conditions.