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The Romans were the first civilization that envisaged an international legal system rooted in the human person and for all humankind. The innovation of this concept was precisely its universality centered on the human conscience, which, different from past approaches to international law, was not theoretically limited to a group of people or a religion. Although still deprived of universal de facto application, the Roman concept of the law of nations or jus gentium guided, to a greater or lesser extent, all subsequent writings on the subject until its complete limitation to a law between states and its current revival within the theoretical framework of international human rights law. The general framework of human rights is the Roman notion that international law flows from an universal reason of all humankind and is equally observed by all peoples and used as law by all peoples or nations. It is this definition, looked through the perspective of modern times, which forms the pro homine framework. Both the European and Inter-American human rights courts unconsciously follow the precepts of the Roman jus gentium. They contribute to the reaffirmation that international human rights is indeed centered on the human person as the end and source of law. This individual-centric and Roman-based conception guide the transformation, application and interpretation of international human rights law setting the basic parameters of individuals as bearers of rights, duties, capacity and interests at the international level. Accordingly, declarations, treaties and courts merge traditional elements of international law (the language of declarations and treaties) with the core elements of the Roman law of nations (universality, the human person as the source and end of law, international law setting guidelines to change and adapt domestic law and the importance of written instruments and magistrates). Adapting to different historical, legal, social and political contexts, international human rights law is in theory and method part of a truly corpus juris gentium romani (body of the Roman law of nations

To better understand the world, humans scan the information contents of our experiences for patterns, corresponding to the extraction of gist, or essential meaning (Brainerd & Reyna, 1990). Research suggests that some forms of gist extraction require several hours, and even sleep for further processing (Ellenbogen et al., 2007; Payne et al., 2009), perhaps becoming subsequently reactivated in the hippocampus (Marshall & Born, 2007). Interestingly, the hippocampus may itself be functionally specialized for gist extraction in its anterior segment (Poppenk et al., 2013). The current study investigated the role of the anterior/posterior hippocampus and sleep stages in predicting patterns of change in gist memory over the course of a week. To assess this link, I identified four types of gist (inferential, statistical, multi-item, and single-item) that were described in recent reviews (Landmann et al., 2014; Stickgold & Walker, 2013). 104 participants were recruited, 67 of whom passed eligibility criteria and completed three behavioural sessions (evening before sleep, 12 hours later in the morning after sleep, and one week after the first session) and an MRI several weeks later as part of a broader battery of tasks. I found evidence that inferential gist in a transitive inference task increased over time, suggesting that new information is being formed. I also found that REM, rather than slow-wave sleep, predicted gist extraction in a number of different tasks. Lastly, hippocampal volumes predicted immediate rather than delayed gist extraction.

https://viurrspace.ca/bitstream/handle/10613/16537/Feb16-1901.pdf?sequence=2

Audio interview with Nelson Dean https://viuspace.viu.ca/bitstream/handle/10613/149/CoalTyeeDeanNScript1979.pdf?sequence=5

https://viurrspace.ca/bitstream/handle/10613/16997/Apr06-1900.pdf?sequence=2

https://viurrspace.ca/bitstream/handle/10613/22793/May23-1885.pdf?sequence=2&isAllowed=y

https://viurrspace.ca/bitstream/handle/10613/13837/Dec27-1919.pdf?sequence=2&isAllowed=y

One of the most interesting constructions in Cree is the inverse. The inverse comprises only half of the paradigm of the active transitive forms in the language and is interesting because it is typologically unusual. Inverse systems have only been reported in a few of the world's languages, and moreover, in the languages in which they occur they have been problematic for analysis, sometimes being analyzed as this unique voice opposition, and sometimes as a passive. The inverse in Cree has been problematic in this way, especially as it is morphologically like a passive, but syntactically like an inverse. In this thesis, I argue that the inverse originated as a passive construction. Specifically, I claim that a passive construction that existed at a much earlier stage in the history of the language was reanalyzed as an active transitive clause - the inverse. I use evidence from Cree and Proto-Algonquian, as well as evidence from Wiyot and Yurok, sister languages of Proto-Algonquian, to support this analysis. In addition, I provide typological evidence in support of this analysis. The reanalysis account is shown to explain why the inverse is morphologically like a passive, but syntactically like a inverse, in this way incorporating the insights of other theorists who have previously addressed the analysis of this construction. In addition, the reanalysis account for the inverse in Cree is shown to have implications for the study of language more generally.